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On the very date Donald Trump received a custom-made "peace prize" from his recent friend, FIFA president "Gianni" Infantino, his administration published an equally ostentatious national security strategy. This relatively brief paper is saturated with pure Trump and Trumpism. It opens with the characteristically modest assertion that the president has rescued "the United States and the globe – back from the brink of disaster and ruin."

Even though the document largely formalizes the current policies and statements of Trump and his cabinet, it must be taken as a grave warning for the world, and for the European continent in particular.

A Strategy of Intervention and Cultural Fear

The document advocates for an assertive form of foreign-policy interference where the US explicitly sets the goal of "promoting European strength." Its language could have been taken straight from speeches by Viktor Orbán during the much-discussed refugee crisis of 2015-16: "Our desire is for Europe to remain European, to reclaim its civilizational self-assurance." Even more worryingly, the document claims that Europe's "financial downturn is eclipsed by the genuine and more stark prospect of cultural extinction."

The whole section on Europe is steeped in generations of European right-wing dogma and rhetoric. The EU and its migration policies are blamed for "transforming the continent and causing conflict, censorship of free speech and stifling of political opposition, cratering birthrates, and loss of sovereign identity and self-confidence." According to the document, if "present trends continue, the continent will be unrecognisable in 20 years or less. As such, it is far from obvious whether some European countries will have economies and armed forces powerful enough to be dependable allies." Indeed, the Trump administration asserts that "in a matter of years at the latest, some NATO members will become majority non-European."

"U.S. foreign policy should continue to stand up for genuine democracy, free speech, and proud commemorations of European nations’ individual character and history."

Core Theories of the Right-Wing

These arguments carry strong echoes of two concepts regarded as foundational for modern right-wing circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "Der Untergang des Abendlandes," whose argument on the inevitable fall of civilizations was used by the German far right to attack the "decadence" and "enfeeblement" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "Le Grand Remplacement," released in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who translated long-existing "indigenous" fears into a more overt conspiratorial narrative, alleging European elites of using immigration to substitute rebellious "indigenous" populations and import a more docile and dependent electorate.

It is the nationalist fever dream contained in both ideas that gives the Trump administration the right, if not the obligation, to intervene in European affairs, the document suggests. And it is clear where it identifies its allies: "America encourages its political allies in Europe to advance this revival of national spirit, and the increasing clout of patriotic European parties indeed gives cause for great optimism."

The Goal: "Restore European Greatness"

In other words, the US contends that it is essential to its national security to "Restore European strength," and that the European far right is the sole political force that can achieve this. Consequently, its "overarching strategy for Europe" prioritises "fostering opposition to Europe’s current trajectory within European nations" – understood as the far right – and "strengthening the robust nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – in particular "nations in agreement that want to restore their past glory" – such as Hungary and Italy.

While the document remains vague on methods, it is obvious that a key aim is to push Europe to adopt a sweeping policy on freedom of speech, more aligned with the US model – especially regarding right-wing speech – and not limited to social media. Another is to normalize relations with Russia; or, as the document calls it, to "restore strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not directly called a future ally, the Trump administration evidently does not regard Russia as an enemy either.

An Ideological Precedent: The Monroe Doctrine

In a wider context, the national security strategy draws its ideas less from the glorified US of the 1950s and more from the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Articulated by President James Monroe, this warned European powers not to meddle in the "Americas," which he proclaimed to be the US’s zone of influence. The Trump administration’s policy document promises to "implement a Trump addition" to the Monroe Doctrine, which entails the US "recruiting" countries worldwide that wish to help protect US national interests.

This is necessarily new – consider JD Vance’s speech at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president launched an assault on Europe’s democratic model. But perhaps now that it is published in an official document, European leaders will finally realize that the stance is serious. And if the document is too lengthy or vague for them, it can be condensed in plain and succinct terms: the current US government believes that its national security is most enhanced by the destruction of liberal democracy in Europe. To put it bluntly, the US is not just an unwilling ally; it is a willing adversary. It is time to act accordingly.